My Unfair Imprisonment : A Stain On The English Judiciary

1. An Assault on Free Speech:

1.1. Having been wrongly convicted in the Crown Court at Southwark in London on November 30, 2021, and sentenced on March 31, 2022, to a total of four years and six months imprisonment on the false charges of racially aggravated Public Order offence, I have served the sentence for six counts offences of “Publishing and distributing materials on social media platforms, namely 4 YouTube videos and 2 Facebook posts as threatening, abusive, insulting, or intending to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, contrary to Section 21(1) and Section 19(1) of the Public Order Act 1986 of the United Kingdom”.

1.2. I maintain my innocence regarding these offences. During my wrongful conviction, in collusion between the Judge, Prosecutor, and my Lawyers, the Crown Prosecution Service in London failed to present the alleged Ibo and Fulani victims of my political activism on social media, their impact statements, or the requested disclosure of documents from the Metropolitan Police Service in London to the Court. Furthermore, the Judge prevented me from using my witnesses or documents that I had available or to mention to the jury my ex-wife’s involvement and motives for reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences, over the custody matter of our children. These factors rendered my conviction unsafe, an assault on free speech, and a stain on the English Judiciary. Due to these egregious violations, I was wrongfully incarcerated as a British Political Prisoner, and my conviction was malicious. Therefore, I am seeking permission to appeal against the conviction to the Court of Appeal.

1.3. For two years, three months, and ten days, I was detained in prison by the British State because of my political views that were critical of the Ibo and the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria, whom I have accused on social media of being the proxies of the English Establishment in the suppression and subjugation of the Yoruba in Nigeria.

1.4. In Nigeria, the Yoruba region constitutes over 25 percent of the total population, generating 49 percent of the national income and contributing 80 percent to the country's total GDP. Despite its significant economic contributions, the region remains impoverished and underdeveloped. This is largely attributed to the control exerted by the English Establishment through its proxies—the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria. These Fulani proxies have held the presidency of the country from 1960 to 2023, enabling them to dominate Yoruba's economic assets. This control extends to various sectors, including mineral and natural resources, financial markets, stock exchanges, taxation, media, education system, judiciary, transportation hubs such as waterways, seaports, and airports, as well as public services, including probation and prison services. Furthermore, they wield authority over the legitimate use of force, including military, police, civil defense, and security services within Yorubaland. Additionally, their Ibo allies have a significant presence in Yorubaland, controlling sectors such as commercial trading, real estate, and the pharmaceutical industry. This systemic control and exploitation have contributed to the economic marginalization and disenfranchisement of the Yoruba people in their own homeland.

1.5. I attribute responsibility to the English, Ibo, and Fulani immigrants in Nigeria for their collective role in usurping control of Yorubaland from the indigenous Yoruba people. They have exploited its wealth and resources to fuel economic growth and development in England, Iboland, and Hausaland, while perpetuating poverty, unemployment, and underdevelopment in Yorubaland. These three entities—England, Iboland, and Hausaland—dominated by the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria—are deemed as eternal adversaries of the Yoruba nation. They orchestrated the suspension of the parliamentary system of Government in Nigeria in 1966 and imposed upon the Yoruba the unitary presidential system of Government. This centralized governance structure was strategically designed to exert control over the Yoruba's economic assets.

2. Circumstances of My Arrest:

2.1. The British Government has historically employed a strategy of criminalizing non-English individuals who resist its oppression and subjugation as terrorists. This tactic was evident in their treatment of members of the African National Congress (ANC) in the 1960s and the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in the 1980s. Both groups fought against English tyranny in South Africa and Northern Ireland, respectively.

2.2. In 2017, I faced threats to my life orchestrated by the English Domestic and External Intelligence Agencies—the MI5 and MI6—due to my outspoken political activism on social media. My activism criticized the complicity of the British Government in the political situation in Nigeria. As a result of these threats, I sought permission from the Family Court to relocate to Yorubaland with my children for our safety. However, in May 2018, despite the substantial risk to our lives, liberty, and physical safety in England posed by MI5 and MI6, the Family Court rejected my application. This decision stemmed from opposition by my ex-wife to the relocation, despite the clear danger we faced.

2.3. In February 2019, I faced death threats directed towards myself and my children due to my political activism on social media. These threats were reported to the Metropolitan Police Service in London. However, the police did not investigate the criminal report, citing that the threats originated from a withheld telephone number, making it difficult to trace the caller. I perceived the Metropolitan Police Service's refusal to investigate the threats as discriminatory. In response to the danger posed by these threats, I applied to the High Court of the Family Division for permission to leave England with my son and return to Yorubaland. Despite this effort, the High Court rejected the application, as my ex-wife opposed the separation of our two children. Consequently, I remained in England to ensure the safety and well-being of my children, maintaining active involvement in their lives despite the challenges.

2.4. In March 2019, I initiated legal proceedings against my ex-wife by taking her to the Special Educational Needs Tribunal and the Family Court. This action was prompted by my discovery that she had falsely registered our son as a disabled child and enrolled him in a school for disabled students, all without consulting me. Despite his only issue being a speech delay, she had claimed disability benefits on his behalf. Furthermore, I uncovered that she had utilized my children's British passports to support her boyfriend's application for a resident permit in the United Kingdom. This deceitful act directly impacted the renewal of my resident permit as the biological father of two Yoruba-British citizen children.

2.5. In an attempt to halt my application for custody of our children and the necessary assessment by the Special Educational Needs Tribunal, which would determine our son's education, health, and social care needs, my ex-wife resorted to drastic measures. Fearing the loss of custody and the disability benefits she received for our son, she falsely reported my political activism on social media as terrorism and racial hatred offences to the Welsh-speaking South Wales Police in Cardiff. Following an investigation, the South Wales Police found no evidence to support the allegations and took no further action. Dissatisfied with this outcome, my ex-wife escalated the matter by reporting the allegations to the English-speaking Metropolitan Police Service in London, despite not residing in London at the time of the alleged offences. The Metropolitan Police Service, lacking jurisdiction over the case, nonetheless pursued it due to my vocal and active opposition to the British Government's complicity in political situation in Nigeria.

2.6. On August 6, 2019, as the leader of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), I was criminalized as a terrorist by the English Metropolitan Police Service in London, who arrested me for terrorism and racial hatred offences over my political activism on social media, maliciously reported to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences by my ex-wife due to our custody dispute over our children.

2.7. The British Government, however, stands as the true perpetrator of terrorism and racism for its historical enslavement and colonization of the Yoruba Country between 1851 and 1951. This period saw the devastating loss of 20 million Yoruba lives, surpassing the 5 million Jewish population murdered by the Germans between 1940 and 1945.

2.8. When the English first arrived in Lagos, Yorubaland, in 1851, their conquest and imposition of colonial rule brought devastation to the Yoruba people. Through violence and coercion, they overwhelmed the land, shooting and killing indiscriminately, burning farms and homes. The thunderous roar of cannons filled the air, shrouding the horizon in smoke, instilling fear and panic among every Yoruba man, woman, and child. This onslaught led to the tragic loss of 5,000 Yoruba lives out of the 22,000 inhabitants of Lagos, Yorubaland, sparking widespread resistance against the English invaders.

2.9. The resistance culminated in an uprising in 1855, sparked by the rejection of formerly enslaved black people from England who were repatriated to Yorubaland, despite not being of Yoruba descent. In response, the English brutally massacred thousands of Yoruba people during this uprising.

2.10. In 1892, a conflict erupted between the Yoruba and English over the utilization of waterways in Lagos. The English sought assistance from the Fulani and other non-Yoruba groups, including individuals from Ghana and Sierra Leone, to attack the Ijebu and Remo tribes of the Yoruba Country, who had the support of the other Yoruba tribes and the people of Brazil and Portugal. In this ensuing war, which revolved around control of the port of Lagos, millions of Yoruba people fell victim to English aggression.

2.11. The English established an armed contingent in Yorubaland known as the West African Frontier Force, predominantly composed of non-Yoruba individuals, particularly Fulani from Senegal and Gambia. This force launched assaults on the Oyo tribe of the Yoruba nation in Ilorin, first in 1901 and then in 1902. They ousted the legitimate ruler of the city, Alhaji Inakoju Alanamu, a Yoruba citizen, displacing him to Jebba. In his stead, they installed a Fulani immigrant in Ilorin as the Emir of the city, who had collaborated with the English in the massacre of thousands of Yoruba people in Ilorin.

2.12. The British Government perpetrated acts of terrorism against the Yoruba nation on five occasions between 1851 and 1951. These acts resulted in the extermination of 20 million Yoruba people and the seizure of Yorubaland from its indigenous inhabitants. Additionally, over 10 million Yoruba individuals were forcibly sold into slavery in North and South America, as well as in the Caribbean. The British also plundered the wealth and resources of Yorubaland to fuel economic growth and development in England, all without providing reparations to the Yoruba people for their heinous actions. This reign of terror persisted until Obafemi Awolowo, a Yoruba leader, assumed political leadership in Yorubaland as the Leader of Government Business and Minister of Local Government and Finance. He became the first Premier of the Western Region under Nigeria's parliamentary system in 1951, effectively ending the era of British terror in Yorubaland.

2.13. The British Government's condemnation of the Nazi Party in Germany for its actions during the Second World War and the Holocaust against the Jewish people was indeed a significant historical event. However, it is important to acknowledge the hypocrisy in this condemnation, considering the British Government's own history of colonial atrocities, particularly in Yorubaland. While the Germans paid reparations to the Jewish people for the Holocaust, a crime that lasted for a relatively shorter period, the British Government failed to acknowledge or compensate the Yoruba people for the extensive atrocities committed during the 100-year period of colonial rule in Yorubaland. This stark contrast highlights the double standards and hypocrisy in the British Government's approach to historical injustices. The refusal of the British Government to address its colonial past and provide reparations to the Yoruba people underscores a broader issue of accountability and justice in historical contexts. It emphasizes the need for acknowledgment, reparations, and reconciliation for past wrongs committed by colonial powers against indigenous peoples around the world.

2.14. The departure of the English from Nigeria in 1960, having forced together the Yoruba, Ibo, Hausa and others to create the Federation of Nigeria, left behind a nation deeply divided along ethnic lines and plagued by longstanding power imbalances. This division stemmed from the British colonial administration's policy of favouritism towards the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria, who were granted disproportionate control over the presidency of the country. The dominance of the Fulani, supported by their Ibo allies acting as proxies for the English in Nigeria, marginalized the Yoruba people and perpetuated systemic inequality and injustice against them. This imbalance of power fuelled ethnic tensions and hindered the country's progress towards unity and development. It wasn't until 2023 that Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba citizen, assumed the presidency of Nigeria, breaking the long-standing control of power by the Fulani and Ibo in Nigeria. Tinubu's presidency marked a significant shift in Nigerian politics, providing a historic opportunity for the Yoruba people to assert their political rights and influence the direction of the country.

2.15. While we cannot romanticize the past, nor are we going to re-investigate it, we must always be conscious of the past because the past is not something to be forgotten. On this premise, as the leader of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), my political activism on social media was, deeply rooted in addressing the suppression and subjugation faced by the Yoruba in Nigeria, perpetuated by the British Government through its proxies — the Ibo and the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria. These forces collectively:

(i) On September 12, 1963, wrongfully convicted Obafemi Awolowo, the first Prime Minister of Yorubaland, on false charges of treason and sentenced him to 10 years' imprisonment.

(ii) Nigerialized all the Yoruba’s economic assets, including the mineral and natural resources, money and capital markets, stock exchange, taxation, mainstream media, schools and curriculum, courts, waterways, seaports, airports, land borders, commercial tradings, real estate, pharmaceutical industry, public service, probation and prison services, and the legitimate use of the monopoly of violence such as the military, Police, civil defence, and security services in Yorubaland in the 1960s.

(iii) On January 15, 1966, suspended the regional parliamentary system of Government in Nigeria and imposed the unitary presidential system on the Yoruba.

(v) On January 15, 1966, assassinated Ladoke Akintola, the second Prime Minister of Yorubaland.

(vi) On July 29, 1966, assassinated Adekunle Fajuyi, the first Military Prime Minister of Yorubaland.

(vii) The June 12, 1993, presidential election results in Nigeria, won by Moshood Abiola, a Yoruba citizen, were annulled, despite being widely regarded as free and fair, sparking widespread protests and political turmoil in the country.

(viii) On June 22, 1994, arrested and imprisoned Moshood Abiola, the first Yoruba to have won a presidential election in Nigeria, after he declared himself the rightful winner of the annulled 1993 presidential election.

(x) On June 4, 1996, assassinated Kudirat Abiola, the wife of Moshood Abiola and a prominent Yoruba activist in her own right.

(xi) On July 7, 1998, assassinated Moshood Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the 1993 presidential election in Nigeria and a prominent Yoruba leader.

(xii) On October 8, 2020, systematically arranged the #EndSARS protests in Lagos, Yorubaland, targeted at the assassination of Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba citizen, in the run-up to the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria.

2.16. When the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF) became aware of the British Government’s complicity in the political situation in Nigeria, we began openly criticizing the English Establishment on social media. We advocated for the nationalization of British business interests in Yorubaland and Nigeria. Additionally, we called for the cessation of trade and military ties with England and urged the Yoruba leaders to cultivate strong relationships with the United States of America, the State of Israel, the Federative Republic of Brazil, the Portuguese Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of France, and the Scandinavian countries as allies. Our goal was to garner support for the Yoruba people to achieve autonomy and potentially divide Nigeria along its natural boundaries. This was especially important in light of the suspension of Nigeria’s regional parliamentary system of Government in 1966 by the Ibo and Fulani, which we aimed to address either through a return to the original constitution of 1960 or through alternative means.

2.17. The above and many more statements I made on social media against the British Government and its proxies—the Ibo and the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria—resulted in my being labeled a terrorist by the English Domestic and External Intelligence Agencies—the MI5 and MI6, respectively.

3. Events Following My Arrest:

3.1. Following my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences on August 6, 2019, Taylor Rose Solicitors was instructed by the Metropolitan Police Service in London to act on my behalf as the solicitor in the case. I was, after that, granted a Police bail pending further investigation. However, the solicitor acted shockingly dishonestly when they acted as my solicitor in the case. For instance:

(i) Following my release from the Police station after being granted bail, I provided Taylor Rose Solicitors with crucial information about my personal history. I disclosed that I had been in a long-term relationship with my ex-wife, with whom I had lived for 13 years and had two children. However, after discovering her infidelity in 2012, I initiated divorce proceedings. I explained that from 2015, our relationship deteriorated due to disagreements over childcare and schooling, leading to her making five false allegations against me to the Police in High Wycombe and Cardiff between July 2015 and January 2017. These allegations, ranging from harassment to child neglect, were either dismissed by the Police or overturned by the Court. The stress from these events contributed to my mental health struggles, including PTSD, depression, and anxiety between 2017 and 2019, coinciding with her subsequent report of my political activism on social media as terrorism and racial hatred offences. Despite my explicit instructions, Taylor Rose Solicitors failed to contact my GP and other relevant organizations that I provided them who could assist in my case with my mental health difficulties. This failure casts doubt on the completeness of the evidence presented during the trial.

(ii) On February 10, 2020, six months after my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences without being formally charged, I instructed Taylor Rose Solicitors to file a lawsuit to the Court. The lawsuit aimed to dismiss the case due to the Metropolitan Police Service's failure to charge me within the statutory six-month period outlined in the Terrorism Act 2000 and 2006 of the United Kingdom. However, Taylor Rose Solicitors failed to take action on my instructions.

(iii) On March 4, 2020, due to the repeated failures of Taylor Rose Solicitors to follow my instructions, I decided to appoint a new solicitor, Janes Solicitor, to assist with my case. Despite not being charged with any offence at that time, the matter was still pending charge at the Police station. Despite my request, accompanied by a written letter of authority, for the transfer of my case file to Janes Solicitors, Taylor Rose Solicitors refused to release it. Unbeknownst to me at the time, Taylor Rose Solicitors was covertly working with the Metropolitan Police Service to secure my conviction, hence their refusal to transfer my case file to Janes Solicitors.

3.2. On May 20, 2020, the Counter Terrorism Police in London concluded that I had no affiliation with any proscribed organizations, and since the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF) was not a proscribed organization, they had no interest in pursuing terrorism-related charges against me. However, the English Metropolitan Police Service in London, noting the political nature of the YYF and its anti-Ibo and anti-Fulani stance, charged me with six counts of “Publishing and distributing materials on social media platforms, between July 2017 and August 2019, four YouTube videos and two Facebook posts as threatening, abusive, insulting or intending to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, contrary to Section 21 (1) and Section 19 (1) of the Public Order Act 1986 of the United Kingdom”.

3.3. The six counts of the offences were listed as follows:

Count 1: This count is related to a YouTube video titled "YYF First Public Course of Action". The video discusses the YYF Street Protest Code named 'Organized Violence', which involves actions such as shutting down the Lagos International Airport, the Lagos Stock Exchange, the Apapa Wharf, and the Tin Can Port Complex. These actions are proposed in the absence of a return to the parliamentary system of Government in Nigeria and the control of the presidency of Nigeria by only the Yoruba, who are considered the economic backbone of Nigeria. Additionally, the video mentions the potential use of chemical and biological weapons to defend Yorubaland in times of war and as a deterrent to future attacks on Yorubaland.

Count 2: This count is related to a YouTube video titled "Currency for the Yoruba Liberation". The video discusses the 'Oodua Coin', which the YYF created to support Yorubaland's economic growth and development. Additionally, the video mentions a letter that I had written to and received from Her Majesty, the Queen of England, addressing concerns about the British Government’s complicity in the political situation in Nigeria.

Count 3: This count pertains to a YouTube video titled "The Last Chance". The video advocates for a return to the parliamentary system of Government in Nigeria as a means to prevent another civil war.

Count 4: This count concerns a YouTube video titled "Attacks on Yoruba in Yorubaland". The video addresses the assault on Demola, a Yoruba citizen, who was reportedly killed by Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland. The incident occurred amid allegations that Demola had stolen a ballot box during the presidential election of February 2019 in Nigeria.

Count 5: This count pertains to a post on the "Adeyinka Grandson" Facebook page, managed by the Media and Publicity Department of the YYF. The post discussed the alleged atrocities committed by the Ibo and Fulani in Yorubaland. It was authored by the Facebook page administrators based in Yorubaland.

Count 6: This count pertains to another post on the "Adeyinka Grandson" Facebook page. The administrators, situated in Yorubaland, made this post in direct response to a tweet by US President Donald Trump.

3.4. On June 18, 2020, Taylor Rose Solicitors appointed Miss Laurie-Anne Power, a Jamaican barrister working with 25 Bedford Row Chambers in London, to represent me in the case. Despite my expressed preference for an English barrister, given my previous five cases, in which I was represented by English barristers, who had won all the cases for me, and due to a negative past experience with a barrister of Jamaican descent, Taylor Rose Solicitors proceeded with the appointment of Miss Laurie-Anne Power against my objections. This decision contravened the LAA contract, which entitled me to choose my barrister. Unbeknownst to me at the time, Miss Laurie-Anne Power was appointed as my barrister but discreetly collaborated with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) to secure a conviction against me. This clandestine arrangement explains why Taylor Rose Solicitors disregarded my objections to her appointment.

3.5. On July 1, 2020, I appeared before Judge Taylor, an English lady who also held the position of Honorary Recorder of the Southwark Crown Court. Interestingly, she retained jurisdiction over my case exclusively, preventing any other Judges from overseeing the proceedings from start to finish. Unaware of the collusion between Taylor Rose Solicitors, Miss Laurie-Anne Power, Judge Taylor, the Crown Prosecution Service, and the Metropolitan Police Service to maliciously prosecute me, I proceeded with the legal process.

3.6. On October 23, 2020, the Metropolitan Police Service in London arrested me concerning a video I posted on social media during the #EndSARS protests in Lagos, Yorubaland. Titled "48-Hour Ultimatum," the video demanded that Ibo immigrants leave Yorubaland due to their involvement in killing and property destruction during the protests. Subsequently, I appeared before a Judge at the Bromley Magistrates’ Court in London on the suspicion that the video violated my bail conditions. However, the Judge determined that the video did not breach my bail conditions, leading to my release from Police custody.

3.7. However, on January 25, 2021, the Metropolitan Police Officers handling my case tampered with video, splitting it into two edited videos titled: “Igbo in Yorubaland Get 48 Hours to Relocate” and “YYF Changing the Course of History." They then added these two edited videos as counts 7 and 8 offences. This unethical conduct by the Police compromised the integrity of the case. Moreover, Judge Taylor permitted this action, further undermining the fairness of the proceedings.

4. Preparation for Trial:

4.1. In my defence statement, I unequivocally denied that my YouTube videos and Facebook posts threatened, abused, insulted, or intended to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria or that racial hatred was likely to be stirred up as a consequence of the videos and posts.

4.2. I requested the following individuals from the Metropolitan Police Service to appear as witnesses for the Prosecution:

(i) My ex-wife, who reported my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences.

(ii) The Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, who were the alleged victims of my political activism on social media.

(iii) The Senior Investigating Officers who had previously investigated me for terrorism and racial hatred offences before and after my arrest.

(iv) The two detective constables who conducted the interviews with me under caution after my arrest.

(v) The detective who conducted the forensic analysis of my two phones and laptop.

4.3. In addition, I requested materials not yet disclosed to the defence which might reasonably be considered capable of undermining the case for the Prosecution or of assisting the case for the defence, including:

(i) Copies of the letters I had written to and received from Her Majesty, the Queen of England, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service during the investigation.

(ii) Copies of the letters I had written to and received from Mr Donald Trump, the US President, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service during the investigation.

(iii) Copies of the letters I had written to and received from Senator Risch, the US Senate's Chairman on Foreign Relations, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service during the investigation.

(iv) Copies of the letters I had written to and received from the Head of the CIA, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service during the investigation.

(v) The statement provided by my ex-wife to the police in March 2019 regarding her report of my political activism on social media as terrorism and racial hatred offences.

(vi) Copies of the 520 videos from my YouTube channel that were published between 2007 and 2019 and subsequently deactivated by the Metropolitan Police Service without a court order following my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences.

(vii) Copies of the 520 political speeches I made between 2007 and 2019, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service in London during the investigation.

(viii) Related reports of investigations about me provided to the Metropolitan Police Service in London by the US Government/CIA and the UK Government/MI5.

4.4. Further to the above disclosures requested from the Metropolitan Police Service, I prepared the following four arguments to tell the jury at trial:

(i) To tell the jury about the motives of my ex-wife for reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences.

(ii) To play to the jury, three videos and show them two documents that I had prepared in my defence, including:

(a) The video footage of the body-worn cameras of my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences by the Metropolitan Police in London on August 6, 2019.

(b) The video footage of Demola, a Yoruba citizen, being murdered by the Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland, over the allegations of a stolen ballot box during the presidential election of February 2019 in Nigeria.

(c) The video footage of the Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland, killing people and destroying private and public buildings during the #EndSARS protests in October 2020.

(d) The copy of the political asylum documents granted by the British Government to members of the IPOB, a terrorist group in Nigeria.

(e) The copy of my interview with the Punch Newspaper in Lagos, Yorubaland, on August 13, 2017.

(iii) To show the jury the ethnic map of Nigeria and explain to them what is responsible for the State of war in Nigeria.

(iv) To call the twenty-one witnesses in my case, who had seen my videos and posts on social media and were willing to give evidence in Court that I wasn’t threatening, abusing, insulting, or intending to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, but highlighting the suppression and subjugation of the Yoruba in Nigeria by the Ibo and Fulani.

4.5. Having prepared the four arguments to say to the jury, in addition to the disclosures requested from the Metropolitan Police Service, Miss Laurie-Anne Power wanted me to do a documentary about my political activism and trial with Channel 4 Television in London. She asked that I consent to the documentary, which allowed the production crew to record my conferences with her.

4.6. The production crew recorded three of my meetings with Miss Laurie-Anne Power, during which we discussed several crucial aspects of my case. These discussions included: my ex-wife's involvement in the case, the videos to be played to the jury at trial, the documents to be included in the trial’s bundle, the use of the ethnic map of Nigeria to explain to the jury what is responsible for the State of war in Nigeria, and what each of the twenty-one witnesses in my case had written in their statements.

4.7. One of the twenty-one witnesses in my case was Nelson Adeola, who also served as a member of the YYF Advisory Council. However, unbeknownst to me, the Metropolitan Police Officers managing my case recruited him as a spy within the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF). This recruitment occurred shortly after I had provided his name to Miss Laurie-Anne Power as one of the witnesses in my case.

4.8. Nelson, acting as an undercover agent within the YYF, conducted surveillance on me, my family, and other members of the YYF on behalf of the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case. He gathered intelligence regarding the YYF's public course of action and collected personal information on the YYF's leaders, potentially for use in targeted actions such as assassinations.

4.9. At the time of Nelson's involvement with the YYF, we did not suspect him of being a spy. However, his reports to the Metropolitan Police contained no incriminating information beyond the personal details of YYF leaders and their families that he had discreetly collected. Our group held no private views that contradicted our public stance on the political situation in Nigeria, advocating for a return to the parliamentary system of government or in support of the Oduduwa Republic.

4.10. On November 12, 2021, three days before my trial's commencement, the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case invited me to their office to view certain YouTube videos that had not yet been disclosed to the defense but were intended to be shown to the jury during the trial. I declined this arrangement but instructed Taylor Rose Solicitors to request the videos from the Police and email them to me for review. The Metropolitan Police Officers described these videos as "sensitive" and refused to provide them to me. Consequently, I instructed Miss Laurie-Anne Power to object to the inclusion of these videos in the trial proceedings.

5. Perversion of Justice:

5.1. My trial started on November 15, 2021, and ended on November 30, 2021.

5.2. On November 15, 2021, the first day of my trial, the defence was not provided with the disclosures requested from the Metropolitan Police before the start of my trial. Despite my voiced concerns about this oversight, Judge Taylor and Miss Laurie-Anne Power ignored my concerns regarding the Metropolitan Police Officers’ failure to provide these crucial witnesses and documents.

5.3. On the same day, Miss Laurie-Anne Power requested Nelson Adeola to convince me not to disclose my ex-wife's involvement in the case to the jury. I explained to him that mentioning my ex-wife's involvement would provide necessary context to the jury. However, he responded with abusive and disrespectful language because I declined to heed his or Miss Laurie-Anne Power's advice.

5.4. The Prosecution Counsel and Miss Power deemed my ex-wife's involvement in the case as potentially detrimental to the Crown Prosecution Service's case. They held a meeting with Judge Taylor in her chambers, urging her to prohibit me from mentioning my ex-wife's involvement to the jury. This request came after their unsuccessful attempt, using Nelson, to dissuade me from disclosing her involvement during the trial.

5.5. On November 19, 2021, the second day of my trial after a three-day adjournment, Judge Taylor made a ruling that barred me from disclosing my ex-wife's involvement to the jury. Subsequently, Miss Laurie-Anne Power threatened me with imprisonment and other repercussions if I dared to mention to the jury my ex-wife's role in reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences. This prejudicial ruling, which infringed upon my right to present a defense, left me unable to inform the jury about my ex-wife's involvement in the case. This significantly compromised the trial's fairness.

5.6. Also, during the trial proceedings, Judge Taylor permitted the inclusion of new videos and articles labeled as 'sensitive' by the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing the case, despite them never being disclosed to me prior to the trial. This unfairness in the presentation of evidence deprived me of my right to a fair trial.

5.7. Moreover, Judge Taylor ruled that my twenty-one witnesses in the case were too numerous for a Crown Court trial and reduced them to five witnesses. Subsequently, I learned that this ruling was false and inaccurate, as Crown Court proceedings allow for up to 50 witnesses in a case. Therefore, the Judge's decision was prejudicial and infringed upon my right to a fair trial, depriving me of the chance to present a comprehensive defence.

5.8. On November 24, 2021, Judge Taylor ruled that I could not play to the jury three videos I had prepared in my defence, including:

(i) The video footage from the body-worn cameras capturing my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences by the Metropolitan Police was deemed inadmissible by Judge Taylor on November 24, 2021. In the video, I provided context regarding my political activism on social media and the political situation in Nigeria to the MI5/MI6 agents and the Counter Terrorism Police Officers who arrested me. Despite its relevance to my trial, Judge Taylor ruled against its presentation to the jury, citing potential prejudice against the Metropolitan Police whose officers were heavily armed during my arrest. This ruling infringed upon my right to present a comprehensive defense.

(ii) Judge Taylor's ruling on November 24, 2021, also barred the presentation of video footage depicting the murder of Demola, a Yoruba citizen, by Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland. Despite my request to blur Demola's body and present the footage to the jury, both the Judge and Miss Laurie-Anne Power rejected this plea. Consequently, I was unable to provide context to the jury regarding the impact of Demola's killing, when I made the Count 4 video titled "Attacks on Yoruba in Yorubaland”, which was my response to the killing of Demola. This denial severely hindered my ability to defend against the Metropolitan Police's allegations that my response to the killing of Demola was intended to inciting racial hatred against the Ibo in Nigeria. Judge Taylor's decision not only tainted the jury's perception but also infringed upon my right to a fair trial.

(iii) During the trial proceedings, the Prosecution Counsel argued against the presentation of a video footage depicting the killing of people and destruction of private and public building by the Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland during the #EndSARS protests, on the instructions of Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of IPOB, a terrorist group in Nigeria, being supported by the MI6 in London. The Prosecution alleged that the Metropolitan Police had not been provided with this evidence prior to the trial. However, this statement was false, as the video had indeed been submitted to the Police six months before the trial began. Despite this, Judge Taylor sided with the Prosecution and ruled against allowing the video to be shown to the jury. This decision deprived me of the opportunity to demonstrate the impact of the events in Lagos on my actions, particularly when I issued a 48-hour ultimatum to the Ibo immigrants in Yorubaland to leave. The Prosecution further alleged that my response to the killings and destruction perpetrated by the Ibo immigrants during the #EndSARS protests constituted offences of inciting racial hatred against them. Despite my attempts to counter these allegations by showing the jury the relevant video evidence, Judge Taylor's prejudicial ruling prevented me from doing so. This unfair restriction significantly influenced the jury's perception of the case and violated my right to a fair trial.

5.9. Miss Laurie-Anne Power's failure to include the three documents I prepared in my defense and provided to her, as well as her subsequent failure to disclose this evidence during my cross-examination, severely compromised my ability to present a complete defense. Specifically, the documents she omitted from the trial bundle were: The copy of the political asylum documents granted by the British Government to members of the IPOB, a terrorist group in Nigeria, was a crucial piece of evidence that could have supported my defense. Its omission from the trial bundle and failure to disclose it to the jury during cross-examination by Miss Laurie-Anne Power significantly hindered my ability to present relevant evidence to the jury.

(i) The copy of my interview with the Punch Newspaper in Lagos, Yorubaland, on August 13, 2017, was another vital piece of evidence that could have provided context and clarity to my statements and actions. Its absence from the trial bundle and failure to disclose it to the jury during cross-examination by Miss Laurie-Anne Power deprived the jury of potentially relevant information regarding my beliefs and intentions.

(ii) The copy of the ethnic map of Nigeria showing the 15 nations that the English forced together to create the Federation of Nigeria was crucial for providing context to my political activism and the underlying tensions in Nigeria. Its inclusion in the trial bundle would have allowed me to explain to the jury the complexities of Nigeria's ethnic landscape and how it contributed to the ongoing conflicts in the country. Its absence hindered my ability to fully present my case and denied the jury important background information.

(iii) Judge Taylor's decision to allow the trial to continue despite the inconsistencies in the trial transcripts and the failure of the Metropolitan Police Service to disclose required documents and witnesses raised significant concerns about the fairness of the proceedings. These shortcomings undermined the accuracy and completeness of the evidence presented, potentially leading to an inaccurate assessment of the case and the reason why I not agree to the Agreed Facts of the case. My objections and concerns regarding these issues during cross-examination raised with Judge Taylor should have prompted a more thorough investigation and disclosure of evidence. However, Judge Taylor's reliance on these errors or omissions contributed to the denial of my right to a fair trial by not addressing these fundamental issues adequatel

5.10. On November 26, 2021, following the conclusion of my cross-examination, Miss Laurie-Anne Power and Nelson Adeola, having succeeded in threatening me not to mention my ex-wife's involvement in the case to the jury, began to discourage me from calling my witnesses. They asserted that my cross-examination was effective enough and suggested that calling witnesses was unnecessary. Two of the witnesses were already present in court; one was on her way, and the other two were prepared to testify remotely from their homes in America and Germany. Despite my insistence, Miss Laurie-Anne Power refused to cross-examine the witnesses in court and prevented the others from testifying. At that moment, I began to question whether Miss Laurie-Anne Power's loyalties had been compromised, as her actions seemed to align with a desire for my conviction. However, at the time, I did not suspect Nelson's involvement as an undercover agent of the Metropolitan Police within the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF). The ineffective legal representation provided by Miss Laurie-Anne Power during the trial severely compromised my ability to receive a fair trial.

5.11. On November 30, 2021, Judge Taylor made a statement expressing scepticism about Nigeria’s State of war, following the jury’s question on whether Nigeria was in a state of war when I made my videos and posts on social media platforms between 2017 and 2019. The Judge’s scepticism was prejudicial and violated my right to a fair trial. There was no doubt that Nigeria was in a state of war when I made the videos and posts on social media. But the scepticism expressed by Judge Taylor about Nigeria’s State of war, without any expert opinions on the matter, following which she directed the jury not to consider the State of war in Nigeria in their deliberation, prejudiced the case against me. Moreover, Miss Laurie-Anne Power's failure to correct Judge Taylor’s assumption regarding Nigeria’s State of war contributed to the misunderstandings and misinterpretations of the matter. This failure to address the Judge’s scepticism was indicative of the barrister’s lack of diligence in ensuring the accuracy of the trial record because, in my defence statement, I clearly stated that Nigeria is in a state of war and the rationale for my political activism on and off the social media, particularly given the Boko Haram’s insurgency group in the Kanuri region of Nigeria, the Fulani’s militia terrorism in the Hausa region of Nigeria, the ongoing war between the Fulani’s herdsmen and the indigenous farmers in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria, the IPOB’s war with the security services in the Ibo region of Nigeria, the militancy in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, and the agitation for the Oduduwa Republic in the Yoruba region of Nigeria. The failure of Judge Taylor to acknowledge the State of war in Nigeria influenced the jury’s perception and prejudiced the case against me.

5.13. After my wrongful conviction, I discovered that the recordings of my conferences with Miss Laurie-Anne Power were shared with the Crown Prosecution Service and the Metropolitan Police Service before my trial. This was done under the guise of creating a documentary about my political activism and trial with Channel 4 Television. The purpose was to assess the strengths and weaknesses of my defense and to use them against me at trial. As a result of this sharing of information, the Crown Prosecution Service did not produce in court the Ibo and Fulani people who were allegedly the victims of my political activism on social media. Additionally, the victims’ impact statements were not disclosed, and documents requested by the defense from the Metropolitan Police Service in London were not provided. Furthermore, Judge Taylor did not permit me to use my witnesses, the documents I had available, or to mention to the jury the involvement and motives of my ex-wife for reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences, which stemmed from a custody matter concerning our children.

5.14. For the above reasons, my trial was unfair, which made my conviction unsafe and malicious. I am, therefore, seeking for permission to appeal against the wrongful conviction to the Court of Appeal.

6. Conduct of My Associates:

6.1. In August 2020, Dimeji Babatunde assumed a position as a member of the YYF Board of Directors, replacing the former Vice-President of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF). Around the same time, Nelson Adeola was appointed as a member of the YYF Advisory Council. Prior to these appointments, I had no prior personal or professional connections with either individual. It's noteworthy that they both joined the YYF a year after my initial arrest on charges related to terrorism and racial hatred.

6.2. However, people can be used in any organization. While Dimeji demonstrated disloyalty and corruption, undermining the YYF during his tenure as Vice President following my wrongful conviction and imprisonment, Nelson covertly operated as an undercover agent for the Metropolitan Police Service in London within the YYF both before, during, and after my wrongful conviction.

6.3. In January 2021, Nelson willingly provided his details as one of the twenty-one witnesses in my case. However, shortly after I disclosed his name to Miss Laurie-Anne Power as one of my witnesses, the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case recruited him as a spy within the YYF.

6.4. The MI5, MI6, Counter Terrorism Police in London, and the Metropolitan Police Service in London were concerned about the YYF’s campaigns for the nationalization of British business interests in Yorubaland cum Nigeria. They also expressed concern regarding the YYF’s advocacy for the severance of trade and military ties with England due to the complicity of the English Establishment’s involvement in the suppression and subjugation of the Yoruba in Nigeria. They, therefore, needed someone within the YYF to provide them with information on the activities of the YYF. They found Nelson to be a willing collaborator, given his son’s affiliation with MI5. He discreetly collected personal information on YYF leaders and their families. He wanted information on TETU — the YYF’s subgroup responsible for external intelligence gathering on the English Establishment, as well as the political leadership of the Ibo and Fulani, whom the YYF considered adversaries of the Yoruba nation. Additionally, he sought information on the DIA, another YYF subgroup tasked with developing chemical and biological defences for Yorubaland during conflicts. Of particular interest, he desperately wanted information about the potential involvement of Asiwaju Tinubu, now President Tinubu, in funding YYF initiatives, a claim denied by the organisation. At the time, Nelson’s covert role as an undercover agent of the Metropolitan Police within the YYF remained undetected, and we did not harbour suspicions regarding his intentions.

6.5. As previously mentioned, Nelson, in collusion with Miss Laurie-Anne Power, undermined my trial proceedings, significantly impacting the outcome of the case that ultimately led to my wrongful conviction and subsequent imprisonment.

6.6. On November 30, 2021, while incarcerated, I instructed the Vice-President of the YYF, Dimeji Babatunde, to solicit funds from YYF Patrons to support an appeal against my wrongful conviction. Additionally, he was tasked with coordinating protests at the British Embassy in Lagos, Yorubaland, to advocate for my release from prison.

6.7. In December 2021, Nelson convened a meeting with three members of the YYF Board of Directors, namely Dimeji Babatunde—YYF Vice-President, Femi Odulaja—YYF Spokesperson, Adedayo Adeshida—YYF Coordinator for England, and Ms. Oluwa, a member of the YYF Advisory Council. During this meeting, he explicitly instructed them not to support my appeal process and discouraged them from organizing protests at the British Embassy in Lagos, Yorubaland, to advocate for my release from prison. Furthermore, he issued threats of potential police arrest to those in England if they remained affiliated with the YYF, encouraging them to depart from the group. Additionally, Nelson made false allegations against me, including accusations that I assaulted my ex-wife and that her neighbour had reported me to the Police for terrorism offences, among other things. These actions aimed to undermine my standing within the YYF and hinder efforts to secure justice for my wrongful conviction.

6.8. Nelson’s allegations were entirely baseless and fabricated with the malicious intent to tarnish my reputation. I vehemently deny any claims of assaulting my ex-wife throughout our 13-year relationship. Moreover, her neighbour never reported me to the Police for terrorism offences. On the contrary, the history of my efforts to protect the well-being of my children lies behind the false accusations of terrorism and racial hatred against me. Upon discovering that my ex-wife had registered our son as a disabled child without my knowledge and proceeded to claim disability living allowance and carer’s allowance for him, despite his only issue being speech delay and not in fact disabled, I took legal action by involving the Special Educational Needs Tribunal and the Family Court to secure custody rights for our children. These actions were taken to safeguard my children's best interests, but ultimately led to my ex-wife malicious allegations of terrorism and racial hatred against me that led to my unjust arrest on August 6, 2019.

6.9. Due to my arrest on charges of terrorism and racial hatred offences, the Family Court ruled that I couldn't have direct contact with my children while under police investigation for terrorism. As a result, when my resident permit expired, the Home Office declined to renew it. However, after the dismissal of the terrorism allegations against me, I appealed the Home Office's decision to the Immigration Tribunal. Unfortunately, the Immigration Tribunal upheld the Home Office's decision, citing the lack of direct contact with my children due to the pending trial for racially aggravated Public Order offences as a contributing factor.

6.10. After my wrongful conviction for racially aggravated Public Order offences against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, Miss Laurie-Anne Power shared the link to my Immigration Tribunal Judgment with Nelson Adeola. He then proceeded to distribute this link to members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF) in an attempt to discredit me by insinuating that I lacked a valid resident permit in the United Kingdom.

6.11. I firmly believe that the allegations made by Nelson about me, shortly after my wrongful conviction and imprisonment, were orchestrated by the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case. Their objective was to tarnish my reputation among members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), disseminate misinformation, and instil fear to prevent coordinated actions in response to my wrongful conviction. This became evident when Dimeji Babatunde allied with Nelson Adeola and undertook actions such as sabotaging planned protests against the British Government at the British Embassy in Lagos, Yorubaland, to demand my release from prison. Additionally, they undermined my appeal process, spread defamatory statements about me to YYF Patrons, dismissed the YYF Director of Finance, and appointed Femi Odulaja, their confidant, to oversee all finances within the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF).

6.12. Moreover, Dimeji Babatunde convened a meeting of the YYF Board of Directors, restricted to only himself, Femi Odulaja, and Adedayo Adeshida, excluding the other eight members. During this meeting, he explicitly instructed the three present members to misappropriate the funds allocated to the YYF for their personal gain. These actions marked the initial betrayal within the group following my wrongful conviction.

6.13. In January 2022, under the guise of helping to get a solicitor to appeal against my wrongful conviction to the Court of Appeal, Nelson collected £11,000 from the YYF Board of Directors as payment to Mary Monson Solicitors. However, despite the payment, the solicitor failed to file an application with the Court of Appeal for permission to appeal against my wrongful conviction. They promised the application would be submitted following my sentencing hearing.

6.14. On March 31, 2022, I appeared in court for the sentencing hearing, represented by Mary Monson Solicitors. Regrettably, I received a sentence of four years and six months imprisonment on fabricated charges of inciting racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria. Following the sentencing, Mary Monson Solicitors unexpectedly requested an additional payment of £30,000 to proceed with the appeal, which was not part of our initial agreement. The YYF Board of Directors declined to pay the extra fees, and consequently, the solicitor did not proceed with the appeal. Subsequently, efforts were made to retrieve the £11,000 initially paid to the solicitor. However, Nelson, who was tasked with securing the refund, refused to comply. Instead, he resigned his membership of the YYF Advisory Council and issued threats against a member of the YYF Board of Directors.

6.15. As a resolution, Mary Monson Solicitors confirmed that Nelson had only paid £8,000 to them and generously offered to waive the remaining balance of £3,000. They advised that I seek reimbursement for this sum directly from Nelson Adeola. Nelson's betrayal and breach of trust deeply disappointed me. Subsequently, I filed a complaint against Mary Monson Solicitors with the regulatory authority, seeking a refund of the funds paid to them. However, since April 2022, the complaint is still pending allocation to an investigator.

6.16. While Nelson and Dimeji worked with us, accepted our kindness, our admiration, and our trust, and took up positions of responsibility in the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), they clandestinely endangered the lives, liberty, and physical safety of my family, members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), and myself.

7. Conspiracy to Commit Mass Murders in Lagos, Yorubaland:

7.1. While incarcerated, I continue to maintain my innocence of the charges of “Publishing and distributing materials on social media platforms, namely four YouTube videos and two Facebook posts as threatening, abusive, insulting, or intending to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria”. Additionally, I was diligently appealing the wrongful conviction as a litigant-in-person. Throughout this ordeal, it has come to light that the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case, in collusion with Nelson Adeola, conspired to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland, with the intent of framing me for these heinous crimes.

7.2. In January 2022, Nelson, having compromised with Dimeji Babatunde, directed him to instruct the YYF Director of Intelligence to carry out the mass murders, promising financial support for the killings. Their plan hinged on the YYF Director of Intelligence accepting the funds to carry out the criminal act. Subsequently, Nelson intended to notify the Metropolitan Police Officers in charge of my case, who would then coordinate with the Yoruba Police Service in Lagos to monitor the activities of the YYF Director of Intelligence and arrest him before the act occurred. The intention was to attribute the criminal act to the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), allowing the Metropolitan Police Service in London to arrest me while in prison and charge me with “directing a terrorist organization” as the leader of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF).

7.3. However, upon following Nelson’s instructions, Dimeji, who had initially refused to support my appeal process, disrupted the YYF’s plans to organize a series of protests against the British Embassy in Lagos, Yorubaland, aimed at securing my release from prison. In addition, he tarnished my reputation within the YYF community and misappropriated YYF funds for personal gain, all within a month of my imprisonment. Suddenly, he convened a meeting of the YYF Board of Directors, limited to only five individuals, including himself in Texas, USA; Femi Odulaja in Leicester, England; Adedayo Adeshida in London, England; YYF Director of Intelligence in Lagos, Yorubaland; and Micheal in Dublin, Ireland, who is a not a member of the YYF Board of Directors. He excluded the remaining seven members of the YYF Board of Directors from the meeting.

7.4. During the meeting, Dimeji instructed the YYF Director of Intelligence to orchestrate the mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland, providing explicit details regarding the venue, time, date, and weapons to be used. However, the YYF Director of Intelligence steadfastly refused to carry out such a criminal act or accept the offered funds, as it contradicted the core principles and objectives of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF). Condemning Dimeji's actions as unscrupulous, the YYF Director of Intelligence demanded his resignation from the position of Vice-President of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF).

7.5. In February 2022, merely two months after my wrongful conviction and imprisonment, Dimeji voluntarily resigned from his position as Vice-President of the YYF. This unexpected departure thwarted the schemes of the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case, who, in collaboration with Nelson Adeola and Dimeji Babatunde, aimed to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland. Thanks to the decisive action of the YYF Director of Intelligence, these nefarious plans were effectively thwarted.

7.6. In January 2023, I was briefed on the illicit activities carried out by Dimeji during his tenure as Vice-President of the YYF. In response, I instructed the Director-General of the YYF to report him to the FBI in America for his involvement in the conspiracy to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland. However, the Director-General failed to comply with my directives, opting instead to make excuses and extend forgiveness to Dimeji. This act of insubordination, coupled with other instances of inaction, ultimately influenced my decision to dissolve the YYF Board of Directors in 2023.

7.7. However, on July 7, 2023, I lodged a formal complaint with the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) in England regarding the actions of the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case and Nelson Adeola. The complaint detailed their involvement in spying on me, my family, and members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), as well as their alleged conspiracy to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland. Regrettably, the Metropolitan Police's Directorate of Professional Standards Unit has yet to conclude its investigation into these matters.

7.8. Furthermore, I petitioned the Security Committee of Nigeria’s National Assembly to probe my complaint regarding the alleged collusion between the Metropolitan Police Service in London and two former members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF) to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland. Unfortunately, I have not received any response from Nigeria’s National Assembly or the Nigeria High Commission in London since 2023.

8. Appeal to the Court of Appeal:

8.1. After my wrongful conviction, I lodged a complaint regarding Miss Laurie-Anne Power's collusion with the Prosecution. In her response, she claimed that I had signed two endorsements with her, agreeing not to mention my ex-wife's involvement in the case or call any of the twenty-one witnesses to testify. However, I must clarify that these endorsements were forged documents—I did not sign them.

8.2. Upon discovering Miss Power's forgeries, I proceeded to apply to the Southwark Crown Court for a retrial of my case, citing grounds of forgery and ineffective representation. This application was presented to Judge Taylor. However, she declined the application, asserting that the Southwark Crown Court lacks the jurisdiction to grant a retrial.

8.3. On April 22, 2022, I formally expressed my concerns to the Court of Appeal through a Notice of Application for permission to appeal against conviction. In this notice, I outlined 15 grounds of appeal, citing Judge Taylor's wrong decisions during the trial, Miss Power's inadequate representation as a barrister, and my complaints against Taylor Rose Solicitors.

8.4. While awaiting the decision of the Court of Appeal, I found myself facing additional charges of malicious communications brought forth by the Metropolitan Police. These charges stemmed from letters I sent to my ex-wife and the content of my videos uploaded to social media by six Facebook users, addressing her motives for reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences. It's crucial to note that these letters and videos were previously investigated by the South Wales Police in Cardiff in 2019, who took no further action on the matter. Moreover, the Cardiff Civil and Family Court addressed the matter in February 2020, considering it resolved. However, despite lacking jurisdiction over the matter, the English Metropolitan Police Service in London claimed in a court document that UK police protocol allowed them to reassess the case. Consequently, they decided to charge me with an offence that had already been investigated and dismissed by another police force and a competent court of law. I firmly assert that the actions of the Metropolitan Police constitute political persecution, motivated by my critical political views regarding the British Government's involvement in the political situation in Nigeria. These new charges are currently awaiting trial before the Southwark Crown Court in London. I fervently hope for equitable treatment from the Yoruba Police Service in Lagos against the English in Lagos, mirroring the discriminatory practices that the English Metropolitan Police in London has historically imposed on the Yoruba community in London.

8.5. In a bid for justice, I appeared in court on November 16, 2023, to challenge my wrongful conviction. Despite my efforts, the Judges declined to grant permission to appeal against my conviction to the Court of Appeal. Their decision was based on alleged endorsements by Miss Laurie-Anne Power, purportedly signed by me, indicating that I would refrain from mentioning my ex-wife's involvement in the case or calling any of the twenty-one witnesses to testify. However, I assert that these endorsements are indeed forgeries. Consequently, I have taken steps to seek redress. I have petitioned the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) to reassess my case, considering the new information that has come to light. I implore the CCRC to refer the case back to the court, urging the Judges to reconsider their decision and allow me the opportunity to present my appeal before the Court of Appeal. Presently, the CCRC is actively reviewing my case.

9. Political Persecution:

9.1. The MI5 and MI6 have expressed concerns regarding my vocal and active opposition to the British Government's complicity in the suppression and subjugation of the Yoruba in Nigeria, facilitated through their proxies—the Fulani and Ibo in Nigeria. This opposition has led them to harbour intentions of harming both me and my children in England. In 2017, they issued threats against our lives, which persisted in 2019 when they falsely accused me of terrorism and racial hatred offences. Subsequently, in 2021, they orchestrated a conspiracy involving Judge Taylor of the Southwark Crown Court, the Crown Prosecution Service, the Metropolitan Police Service, and my legal representatives—Taylor Rose Solicitors and Miss Laurie-Anne Power of 25 Bedford Row Chambers in London. This malicious persecution culminated in my wrongful conviction and sentencing to four years and six months imprisonment on fabricated charges of stirring up racial hatred on social media against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria. While incarcerated, I allege that they further subjected me to mistreatment by assaulting me, infecting me with coronavirus and poisoning my food with the intent to cause harm. These actions stem from my political views critical of the Ibo and Fulani immigrants in Nigeria, whom I have accused on social media of serving as proxies for the English Establishment in suppressing and subjugating the Yoruba in Nigeria.

9.2. As a result of my political beliefs, there exists a substantial risk to the lives, liberty, and physical safety of both my children and myself in England due to the actions of MI5 and MI6. Therefore, it is imperative for the Government of the Federation of Nigeria to intervene in my case. Bringing my children and me back home to Yorubaland from England is crucial to safeguard us from the threats posed by MI5 and MI6, who seek to cause us harm.